Myanmar Spring Chronicle – November 10 Scenes
MoeMaKa, November 11 2022
Does NLD party only prefer political dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?
November 8th is the anniversary of the 2020 multi-party election. On social media, Myanmar people repost pictures of their voted inked fingers. Indeed, the 2020 election has become a landmark in history. Like the landmark 1990 election, people overwhelmingly voted for the party they supported, but it was denied the right to form a government. Just like that, in the 2020 election as well, the people voted overwhelmingly for the party they supported, but they were not allowed to form a government and were crushed by the military in a coup d’état.
What is happening after the 2020 election milestone? This is a history that is still being written. It continues marching on as living history. What happens after the 2020 election? Myanmar people are not among those who are left still crying over spilled milk like longing over ink stains on their little fingers. Myanmar people went on strike and marched in the streets. They protested against the military coup. They participated in CDM all over the country. When the terrorist military violently cracked down, they no longer came back to their homes from the street but went underground, took up arms and waged the resistance war. They cooperated with ethnic armed resistance groups. They also established PDFs. The MPs and leaders from the party who won the election, strike leaders, ethnic groups and activists came together and formed political leadership groups such as CRPH, NUCC, and NUG to provide leadership. The people, both domestically and abroad, overwhelmingly supported and marched as the support forces. This is a step and record in the history of the way forward to Federal Democratic State of Myanmar that continues to be written after February 2020.
The decision of the people of Myanmar and the leaders of the Spring Revolution forces is only one. ‘To demolish fascist army from the root’. The road map for marching with determination is to draft a new constitution that guarantees the federal union, to have it approved by the people’s referendum, to establish a federal union, to successfully pass over the interim and transitional periods, and to be able to build unity and understanding among the ethnic people. In fighting for this with various methods and strategies, all the classes of the population who are waging an armed resistance war in the ethnic areas and beyond the country exist as the main backbone. At present, it is also accepted that in the form of political struggle, people at home and abroad are marching along with the movement of the representatives, leaders and members of NUG, CRPH, ERO and NUCC.
In such situations, the United States and Europe have referred the Myanmar issue to ASEAN. ASEAN itself does not seem to have any plans to move forward from its impractical roadmap. In the ASEAN roadmap, it has been calling on the junta for the release of political prisoners and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the implementation of the 2020 election results, and the chance to meet and discuss solutions with important leaders, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, but nothing significant has happened. Now, it will have been 2 years passed.
Myanmar people have already known and accepted that the historical train of the Myanmar Spring Revolution has left the 2020 election station. Because the eradication of the fascist army is already the way out of their worldly nirvana. In fact, it should be said that it is a coincidentally tragic drama that the fascist army itself has left behind the results of the 2020 election, which they did not like.
The NUG itself has also announced that it does not recognize, accept and it will not countenance the 2023 election that will be fabricated by the military council. The NLD party itself has also issued a statement against the 2023 election.
You will also see that the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) sent an open letter dated November 9th to ASEAN urging to consider beyond the 5-Point Consensus on the Myanmar issue. The letter also stated that it is necessary for ASEAN to treat NUCC, NUG and CRPH as official representatives of Myanmar, and points to be considered beyond the 5-Point Consensus.
In such a situation, we saw in the news on November 9th that NUG Minister Daw Zin Mar Aung and Deputy Minister U Moe Zaw Oo, who are on international political tours, had their permission to attend and speak at the Global Town Hall 2022 event canceled due to objections from some of the United Nations organization leadership.
When we are seeing the challenges faced by the new leaders of the new blood that emerged from the spring revolution and when I read the NLD’s 2020 election anniversary statement released on November 8th, it is to be considered that the political attitude and outlook of the party that won the election with the most public support and expectations are either the same as the steps of the current spring revolution, or what are the differences in interest?
The Central Committee of the National League for Democracy No. (97/b), West Shwe Gong Daing Road, Bahan Township, Yangon, Date – 2022 November (8th) Press release No. (12/2022) said this in a sub-clause.
It said, “We believe that all representatives of Myanmar, including the ASEAN Special Representative, can find a practical solution to the problem only if they can freely meet and discuss with the public leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the chairperson of the National League for Democracy. In addition, it is necessary to meet with leaders who have real representation. Therefore, we strongly request that the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners as soon as possible be prioritized and implemented by international leaders, including ASEAN.”
It means that the request is to discuss Myanmar’s issue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi without mentioning any of the spring revolution, which includes many NLD party leaders, MPs and their related organizations that are revolting together by holding hands by hands, such as NUG, CRPH, PDF, NUCC and ERO, aiming for their federalism, drafting a new constitution and demolishing the fascist army from its roots. So, it seems to look back on the path of Su-Yway-Hlut (Release Suu, Recognize Election & Reconvene Hluttaw) that had been envisioned during the early days of the Spring Revolution.
This can raise the question of whether the discussion to find a solution for the current situation with the leaders of the Spring Revolution who are facing challenges, NUG government leaders and international political leaders is not encouraged and it is like asking the Myanmar people, who are struggling and fighting on their own to eliminate the fascist army, to make room for the mediators (ASEAN and international representatives) and listen to their compromise.
As I said before, there are many bitter lessons in Myanmar politics. The history of people and forces in the ethnic areas and the ugliest days in history mark the independency of Myanmar and the civil war in Myanmar. Every time political leaders were favored after sharing power and their chairs, the skeletons of Myanmar people, including ethnic races, who were left behind grew enormous mountain of their bones in Myanmar history. It is clear even from the current headlines that there is no political solution from the result of elections in either Myanmar or the rest of the world. This time is to eradicate the fascist army from its root. It is time to drive the military out of politics once and for all.
How will the question be answered that…”Does NLD party only prefer political dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?”