Myanmar Spring Chronicle – Scenes from July 1
(MoeMaKa), July 2, 2026
How Can We Reduce the War’s Consequences: Sexual Violence, Looting, and Killings?
More than five years after Myanmar’s military coup, the country has suffered not only physical destruction but also deep psychological and social decline. Among the most disturbing developments has been the rise in brutal murders, robberies ending in homicide, and rape. Sexual violence has become increasingly common, even in places once considered safe, such as schools. As fighting has spread into towns and villages, forcing civilians to flee their homes, incidents of theft and looting of houses, farms, businesses, and personal property have become more frequent, along with reports of kidnappings.
It is easy to attribute these crimes—armed conflict, civil war, the breakdown of governance, looting, murder, theft, rape, sexual violence, and fraud—to the military coup itself. Yet another question inevitably arises: are there really no effective ways to contain or reduce these problems?
Another difficult reality is that these abuses cannot always be clearly divided into “good” and “bad” actors. Numerous reports have documented killings, looting, and sexual violence committed by the junta’s forces during military offensives. At the same time, there have also been instances in which armed groups opposing the junta have committed abuses of their own.
During wartime, functioning police stations and courts are often absent. As a result, many of these crimes can only be documented today, with victims hoping that justice may someday become possible under different political circumstances.
These abuses are occurring not only on battlefields but also in displacement camps, in towns and villages hosting internally displaced people, in border regions, and even within Myanmar communities living in neighboring countries.
Many supporters of the Spring Revolution have tended to view the military regime and its collaborators as representing “black,” while assuming that revolutionary organizations and their supporters represent “white.” Reality, however, is far more complicated. The line between black and white is often far less distinct than many would like to believe.
Even in territories controlled by revolutionary armed organizations, people often struggle to obtain full justice. Meanwhile, in areas still under military control, mutual assistance and community solidarity have weakened, while exploitation, intimidation, and abuses of power have become increasingly common.
Political polarization and ethnic divisions among the public have also deepened. As social cohesion erodes, desires for revenge increasingly overshadow the pursuit of justice.
In a situation where the rule of law has collapsed so severely, it is becoming ever more urgent to strengthen mutual care, protection, and support within communities themselves.
The slogan “We only have each other” has become popular, but there is reason to believe that practical efforts by ordinary people to help and protect one another remain insufficient. At a time when sanctions and trade restrictions have driven up prices, communities should discourage profiteering through excessive price increases. Likewise, greater public education and awareness campaigns are needed to reduce rape, sexual exploitation, and other forms of gender-based violence by encouraging people to protect and look out for one another.
As towns and villages are abandoned because of fighting, another pressing question emerges: how can communities work together to reduce the looting and destruction of homes and property? What kinds of public awareness and collective action can help prevent such crimes?
Recent cases of sexual exploitation and sexual violence within Myanmar communities living together in neighboring countries raise equally troubling questions. How can such crimes be prevented from recurring? Who is responsible for these appalling acts? Are they symptoms of weakening community solidarity and mutual protection? Or are perpetrators simply exploiting those who are vulnerable and lack protection because they see them as easy targets?
If looting, murder, rape, and sexual exploitation continue unchecked for a prolonged period, public confidence in the Spring Revolution itself may gradually decline.
Following Cyclone Nargis, people across Myanmar came together in remarkable acts of volunteerism and mutual aid. Those efforts remain an inspiring chapter in the country’s history. Many of today’s humanitarian organizations, social assistance groups, and civil society organizations first emerged during the Nargis relief effort.
Today, however, Myanmar faces a different challenge. Since the 2021 military coup, society has witnessed growing numbers of disturbing crimes, abuses, and acts of exploitation in which people prey upon others amid widespread suffering. The question of how to reduce—and ultimately end—these crimes is no longer one for any single organization or authority. It is a question that confronts Myanmar society as a whole.