TNLA Seizes KIA Liaison Office in Kutkai Amid Clashes

Myanmar Spring Chronicle – March 7 Overview

MoeMaKa, March 8, 2025

TNLA Seizes KIA Liaison Office in Kutkai Amid Clashes

On March 7, TNLA (Ta’ang National Liberation Army) forces seized the KIA (Kachin Independence Army) liaison office in Kutkai town during an armed confrontation. This occurred amid the ongoing Operation 1027, during which TNLA has been actively attacking junta forces and taking control of territories, including Kutkai.

Two days prior, in a separate incident, MNDAA (Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army – Kokang) soldiers reportedly opened fire on villagers in Mong Si village tract, Kutkai Township, who were protesting against mechanized gold mining operations. This resulted in six deaths and six injuries among the villagers.

Following these events, TNLA, which had already taken control of Kutkai town, moved to seize the KIA liaison office.

Escalating Clashes Among Ethnic Armed Groups in Northern Shan State

The situation in northern Shan State is becoming increasingly volatile, with ethnic armed groups engaging in conflicts among themselves and with local populations. Disputes over territorial control, governance, and natural resources management are fueling tensions, shifting the focus away from battles with the junta.

Key areas of tension include:

  • SSPP (Shan State Progress Party) vs. TNLA in northern Shan
  • KIA vs. TNLA over historically Kachin-inhabited areas such as Mongmit and Hseni
  • KIA vs. MNDAA, and separately, MNDAA vs. TNLA over contested territories

Since Operation 1027, these clashes have occurred frequently, as the offensive led to a redistribution of control over various territories.

Underlying Causes of Infighting Among Ethnic Groups

While some claim the conflicts stem from misunderstandings among lower-ranking troops, the core issues revolve around:

  • Territorial administration rights
  • Access to and control over natural resources

During Operation 1027, there was no prior agreement among ethnic armed groups on who would govern the seized territories after expelling the junta. As a result, various groups took control of multi-ethnic areas for security and strategic reasons, leading to disputes.

A major question now is: How long will TNLA and other groups hold onto the areas they seized, and what will governance look like in the long run?

In some regions, TNLA has reportedly removed symbols and signboards associated with the Shan identity, sparking further tensions. Similar disputes have emerged over signboards at the entrances to towns like Namkham and Theinni, which were altered, leading to local resistance.

Increasing Use of Force Between Ethnic Armed Groups

Tensions have led to frequent incidents where TNLA and KIA forces have dismantled each other’s security posts and forcefully expelled troops. Just last week, TNLA reportedly used force to dismantle a KIA checkpoint, assaulting soldiers and seizing their weapons.

Although ethnic armed groups across Myanmar have experienced occasional conflicts, northern Shan has seen an unprecedented level of internal fighting in recent months. Similar clashes have also been reported among ethnic armed groups in Chin State.

The most powerful ethnic armed groups in the northeast—KIA, MNDAA, and TNLA—are now engaged in direct confrontations, raising concerns about the long-term stability of the region.

FPNCC’s Role in Resolving Internal Ethnic Conflicts

The Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC)—a coalition of ethnic armed groups—was formed in 2017 to present a united front in peace negotiations. However, its influence has waned since the 2021 military coup, and it has not intervened in recent disputes among its member groups.

The National Unity Government (NUG), which is leading the pro-democracy resistance, is also unable to mediate these ethnic conflicts, as its influence does not extend into northern Shan. Additionally, China opposes direct engagement between NUG and certain ethnic armed groups.

Given the power dynamics and geopolitical realities, NUG is not in a position to resolve disputes between ethnic groups in the northeast. The responsibility for preventing ethnic-based conflicts rests on the political vision of ethnic armed leaders themselves. If these leaders fail to prioritize broader national interests over territorial and ethnic disputes, Myanmar’s struggle against the junta may face internal fragmentation that could weaken the resistance movement.

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