Myanmar Spring Chronicle – Scenes from May 11
(MoeMaKa), May 12, 2026
Myanmar Spring Chronicle – May 11 Overview
Those Continuing to Row Against the Current of the Spring Revolution
If one looks at news circulating on social media, it may appear as though Myanmar’s urban areas are thriving and stable. Posts showing well-off city residents attending parties, celebrating, and spending freely—shared either by participants themselves or by spectators—can give the impression that life in the cities is normal and prosperous.
However, across Myanmar’s mountains, plains, and rural revolutionary مناطق—from north to south and west to east—the reality is very different. Large parts of the country remain active conflict zones. Civilians continue to be displaced, while PDFs and local resistance groups are still engaged in armed struggle. Roughly 60% of the country is affected by civil war. In these مناطق, CDM teachers, healthcare workers, professionals, and intellectuals are carrying out their duties under extremely difficult conditions.
Their struggles, however, rarely receive the same level of coverage as urban news. Instead, they can only be glimpsed through posts shared by resistance الإعلام groups, support networks, PDFs, and grassroots organizations.
Meanwhile, urban-based media and social content have increasingly highlighted images of city life returning to normal after the junta’s forced election process. Compared to earlier periods when public boycotts and social punishment campaigns (BC & SP) discouraged such behavior, people now seem less afraid of being criticized for participating in social gatherings or appearing aligned with the regime.
This raises an important question:
How can one accurately understand Myanmar’s current reality?
Even armed groups tend to prioritize propaganda, and their supporters often present information within the same framework. As a result, beyond reports of clashes and casualties, readers are often left piecing together fragmented information to understand broader realities.
Amid ongoing airstrikes targeting civilians, there are also reports that villagers are sometimes afraid to host healthcare workers providing medical treatment in hiding places. The fear is that if clinics or hospitals are reported, the military may deliberately target them for destruction. Aid groups frequently share such concerns. Yet, even reporting these issues publicly becomes difficult, as it risks worsening the situation for already vulnerable communities.
Another emerging issue is that CDM staff and civil society groups are, for various reasons, being forced to leave areas controlled by ethnic armed organizations. For example, a DVB report noted that after TNLA sent a congratulatory message to Min Aung Hlaing upon assuming the presidency, civil society groups and CDM workers protested. As a result, some CDM personnel providing health and education services in TNLA مناطق began preparing to leave. This highlights how, even within resistance المناطق, both revolutionary staff and ordinary civilians still lack guaranteed safety and security.
At the same time, there are also encouraging examples. In many IDP villages and camps, communities have established self-organized schools. Local people support these efforts, ensuring that displaced children can continue their education through volunteer teachers. These mobile village groups often move together, ensuring that one out of every three groups includes a school and a teacher’s family, setting up makeshift classrooms nearby. However, even sharing such positive examples publicly carries risks, as it may expose them to military attacks.
In essence, the difficulty lies in the limited flow of information. Because of restricted reporting and reduced public attention, entertainment news and casualty reports tend to overshadow deeper realities. To convey the true lived experiences of people, writers increasingly rely on storytelling and literature to raise awareness.
One example is the essays of Dr. Soe Min from northern revolutionary مناطق, where civilians and resistance fighters struggle side by side. If his writing were turned into a news report, it would describe how the war continues, how healthcare workers persist despite airstrikes, how doctors refuse to abandon patients even when hospitals are targeted, and how, even when some armed groups agree to ceasefires, medical workers continue their work.
According to his observations, in urban areas, people are being forcibly conscripted, forced to pay bribes to avoid service, or even trafficked as soldiers. Thousands of conscripts are being collected weekly and sent into battle. In contrast, in revolutionary المناطق, there are no reports of using civilians as human shields or forcing people into deadly situations.
He also notes that cooperation among revolutionary forces in Kachin State has become more stable over time. The military has not been able to fully retake lost territories. In places like Laiza, despite challenges, hospitals continue operating. Multi-ethnic cooperation remains essential, requiring patience and persistence.
Regarding China–Kachin relations, his writings suggest that although Kachin areas border China, places like Laiza are not under Chinese control. Unlike cities such as Laukkai, Kachin areas remain self-governed. While Chinese influence exists, it is not absolute. Hospitals may lack specialized services compared to others, but they continue functioning as free medical centers. Despite China’s pressure, Kachin communities maintain a degree of independence.
Ultimately, this article attempts to reveal the reality of the Spring Revolution—not through headlines alone, but by examining what lies beneath them: the ongoing struggle of those who continue to move against the current.