Myanmar Spring Chronicle – Scenes from April 18
(MoeMaKa), April 19, 2026
Perspective What are the fundamental positions for the people in a revolutionary era of change?
When President U Win Myint was released, social media was filled with debate over whether he should be referred to as “President U Win Myint” or simply “U Win Myint,” raising broader questions about representation and recognition. There were also criticisms directed at the National Unity Government (NUG), which is leading the Spring Revolution, asking whether there are now “too many presidents,” and how the roles of Acting President Duwa Lashi La and President U Win Myint should continue to be defined.
At the time of writing, some are also directing questions toward revolutionary organizations about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the people’s leader and State Counsellor, who remains imprisoned. With the advisory council structure that has emerged from the junta’s election, some are asking whether her current title will also be redefined.
However, the international community has still not formally recognized the junta’s sham election results or its staged transfer of power. There has been no such expression of recognition to date from the United Nations, Western countries, or Asian countries. Some international media outlets also continue to use the formal designations that emerged from Myanmar’s legitimate political order following the 2015 election, referring to U Win Myint as President and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as State Counsellor. The fact that the United Nations continues to accept U Kyaw Moe Tun as Myanmar’s representative likewise reflects that position.
At the same time, Myanmar’s civil war has not ended. The junta’s sham election has not resulted in any meaningful change such as a ceasefire by the Myanmar military or a halt to military offensives. Nor has the junta offered any commitment to amend or replace the 2008 Constitution, which has failed to guarantee either the people’s security or domestic peace.
In reality, the results produced under the 2008 Constitution have been to drag the country deeper into civil war, nullify the 2020 election, and pave the way for yet another sham election tailored to the junta’s wishes. These facts clearly show that the junta’s ongoing actions offer no real guarantee for the country’s future.
In this context, statements by some domestic armed or political organizations welcoming the junta’s election, recognizing it, or referring to the military leader Min Aung Hlaing in his new presidential guise as “U Min Aung Hlaing” cannot be understood as bringing any meaningful guarantee of peace or a better future for the people of Myanmar. Such recognition appears to reflect self-interest, political calculation, or alliance management more than any real commitment to the public good. It is hard to see a deeper meaning in these moves beyond a shift in their own political positioning.
At a moment like this, every organization involved in the Spring Revolution has a responsibility to state more clearly where it stands in relation to the people. The central question is this: what is the basic people-centered policy of this transformative revolution? If political and military leaders are now reconsidering their strategies because they believe the junta has gained an upper hand, how will they communicate that to the public? If change begins at the upper levels, it is only natural that ordinary people will wonder how they themselves are expected to prepare.
Some organizations that were once allies have now openly moved toward recognizing the junta’s election and Min Aung Hlaing. At the same time, many will remember the promises those same groups once made: that they would build a federal union together with revolutionary forces and the people of Myanmar. This makes it all the more necessary for other revolutionary organizations to revisit and reaffirm the positions and commitments they have made to the public from the very beginning.
At such a moment, the National Unity Government’s renewed statement that it remains firmly committed to its common position together with its allies can be seen as at least somewhat reassuring for the people within the Spring Revolution. In its statement released yesterday, it said:
The ultimate goal of the Spring Revolution is not only the unconditional release of all political prisoners, including the State Counsellor, but also the complete liberation of the people from the vicious cycle of oppression and abuse imposed by military dictatorship.
It also said that it would continue to firmly uphold the revolutionary objectives laid out in the six-point common position announced jointly on January 31, 2024 with Kachin, Karenni, Karen, and Chin allies, as well as the statements of the Steering Council for the Emergence of a Federal Democratic Union (SCEF) formed on March 30, 2026.
The six-point common position includes: ending the military’s role in politics, placing all armed forces under civilian government, abolishing the 2008 Constitution completely, drafting a new federal democratic constitution, building a new Union, and implementing processes for justice and accountability.
In particular, the NUG has declared that the building of a federal democratic system can only be considered successful if transitional justice is delivered for the war crimes and violations of humanitarian law committed by the terrorist military junta, and that it will continue the struggle without wavering until that goal is reached.
In addition, the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) has also announced that it will continue fighting alongside the entire public and all revolutionary forces until victory is achieved, for the eradication of military dictatorship and all forms of authoritarianism, and for the establishment of a federal democratic union.
In truth, revolutionary organizations must continually state, reaffirm, and communicate their fundamental positions and commitments to the people. At a time like this, the need to repeat and reaffirm those commitments has become even more obvious.
Revolutionary organizations must continue striving to ensure security, basic livelihoods, and protection for displaced civilians affected by war. They must also continue recognizing the role of education workers, healthcare workers, CDM participants, and public servants who are serving where they can across revolutionary territories, and do what they can to support their needs.
Likewise, throughout every part of the revolutionary sphere, there must be a visible commitment to protecting and valuing vulnerable and threatened communities, including children, girls, mothers, patients, the elderly, those who speak different languages, people of diverse sexual identities, and people of different skin colors.
Only by moving swiftly toward the goal of building a federal democratic union can peace, stability, and a real guarantee for the future of all people in Myanmar be secured. That message must be repeated again and again. And beyond words, revolutionary organizations and their leaders have a responsibility to turn those commitments into action.