How the Military Resistance Might Affect the Traditional Perspective of Women
By Hillary Htun (NEW YORK)
MoeMaKa, June 26th, 2022
Alongside Myanmar’s current government and military conflict, there is another issue pertaining to women that hasn’t been addressed. Women in Burmese traditional culture are expected to be responsible for their family’s well being, while the husband creates a source of income outside of the household. The stereotype that a woman needs to be “protected,” as well as a mother or caretaker, has caused unrest in Myanmar (especially among the younger population.) Because of these factors, Myanmar has been active in advocating for women’s domestic rights. Then when it comes to politics, women’s lack of political representation in Myanmar continues to be a concern, despite being under the same legal protection as men.
When the military coup in Myanmar seized power, the Myaung Women Warriors announced themselves as the first all-female fighter group. This resistance group has been recognized and acknowledged by all sorts of organizations, like the NUG and Al Jazeera, which both broadcast current news in Myanmar and internationally. The resistance group’s aim is to fight against Min Aung Hlaing’s and his regime’s control in order to reestablish a democracy in Myanmar. But it is also to break the traditional stereotypes in society–particularly those against women. During the resistance, there have been several actions done to try to change these social norms. For example, the women soldiers have changed their garments from the traditional htamein to trousers or pants, which are seen as more modern and masculine. They have also stayed in the same quarters and trained with men.
Interestingly enough, women working in the textile industry have used the same stereotype to their favor. It is seen as “emasculating” for a man to be in contact with a woman’s lower garments. So as a way to destroy Min Aung Hlaing’s image and repel the troops, the women have made symbols like flags with sanitary pads and sarongs. As a result, the female garment workers have been distinct during the resistance and civil disobedience movement; both for their bold actions and also for speaking out for ethnic minority rights.
These actions done by Burmese women are reminiscent of historical events, like the Taiping Rebellion and World War One. In the Taiping Rebellion, women formed their own battalions from men during the revolt against the Qing dynasty. Notably, the Taiping Rebellion’s overall goal was to gain control over China’s government and reform Chinese society. This is similar to how the Myaung Women Warriors formed their own female fighter group to establish democracy and fight social stereotypes. During World War One, thousands of women were employed in industrial factories to create supplies and ammunition. At the time, factorial jobs were seen as men’s work, not women’s. They ended up playing a big role in the war effort and the fight for social equity. The female garment workers are alike to these women industrial workers, as they both use factories/industry as a way to combat other militaries, as well as women stereotypes.
The fact that history is basically repeating itself can make you wonder, “Will the Burmese women’s resistance actually change the traditional view against them? If so, how? What would it specifically affect?” The future can be difficult to predict accurately, since several unknown or known factors can contribute to one event. So, there can’t be a single, correct answer to these questions. However by looking at history, a pattern can be distinguished to help create a more accurate prediction.
Forty years following the Taiping Rebellion, the act of footbinding ended in China. Footbinding had symbolized a girl or a woman’s submission to a man, thereby limiting their political power and mobility in society. When it comes to Chinese culture, this change was significant because footbinding had lasted for approximately 1,000 years. Keeping this in mind, the Taiping Rebellion seems to have happened relatively recently before the end of this long tradition. Therefore, it could be inferred that the Taiping women battalions could have caused Chinese men to believe that the genders were socially equal, which stopped them from continuing this tradition of subordinating women.
In the present day with the Myaung Women Warriors, perhaps the same, gradual process can be what causes the attitude towards women to change. As these Burmese women soldiers fight alongside men, like during the Taiping Rebellion, it could alter the view that women need protection. In other words, women would be viewed as independent rather than dependent on the male figure. Then as a result of that belief, they may not be expected to be the mother or caretaker of the household. Another follow up effect could be that the idea of women making their own income, whether or not it be alongside the husband, would be less stigmatized. Although this process may take up to 40 years, it would still be an important factor in removing the previous stereotype of women.
After World War One had ended, women working in the industrial workplace returned to their duties in the domestic household. They no longer worked for the factories that supplied resources in the war effort. However, women were also not reemployed in those same occupations. Though after recognizing the importance behind their actions, men didn’t have the same superiority over women that they once did. Consequently, women saw the difference and power they could create through mass movement. Thereafter, female participation in World War One initiated suffrage movements in the United States and internationally.
When it comes to the women garment workers who are in the resistance, this could be an opportunity to solve the lack of female political representation in Myanmar. Similar to how after the war, women contributions in industry led to suffrage movements, the women contributions in garments against the Burmese military coup can lead to political changes. The women in Myanmar may have the same mass movement of unity and formally change their role in the government. In addition, this could encourage younger girls to obtain government positions, thus making reforms to improve Myanmar’s political conditions.
In short, the Burmese resistance from female civilians could spur future changes in Myanmar’s attitude towards women. The Myaung Women Warriors, the first all-female fighter group, could create a societal change. Instead of being seen as in need of protection, expected to be a mother, or dependent on the “man” of the household, Burmese women could be viewed as independent and capable of creating income. Another resistance group, the women who work in garment factories and create symbols with women’s lower garments, could spur political changes. They could encourage Burmese women and girls to tackle the issue of the lack of political representation. In either scenario, the fact that both resistance groups are fighting against Min Aung Hlaing and his military regime is inspiring. Despite the decrease in media coverage on the subject, they are good reminders that there is still conflict happening in Myanmar. There are both men and women continuously looking, as well as working towards a brighter future with a country free from power seizure, and possibly one without the same societal obligations.