Myanmar Spring Chronicle – Scenes from February 11
MoeMaKa), February 10, 2026
The Story of Divisions in Myanmar Media
Divisions within Myanmar’s news media landscape are not exactly unusual. They have existed, to varying degrees, since earlier eras. During the 2000–2010 period, when domestic media was operating under censorship and was just beginning to develop, there were various internal splits—some quiet, some public—within the local media sphere.
There were media outlets that did not have to undergo direct scrutiny by the censorship board, others that enjoyed more privileges than their peers, and journals and monthly magazines that were published under the names of the children, commanders, and sergeant majors of the powerful Military Intelligence (MI). These publications were often privately run by individuals close to those in power. The public, however, was not aware of the details of these arrangements.
After Military Intelligence was dismantled and suppressed in 2004, publications that had been issued under the names of MI officers and non-commissioned officers were transferred into the names of private publishers.
During that era, many journalists working in domestic media were also covertly reporting—without bylines—for exile-based Myanmar media outlets. Dozens of such reporters existed within local newsrooms.
These circumstances reflect some of the realities between domestic and exile Myanmar media at the time.
Within the domestic media sphere, there were even cases where, due to personal rivalries between the owners of Eleven Media and Living Color Media, newsroom leaders instructed their staff not to communicate or interact with journalists from rival organizations.
The public also did not clearly know who the publishers of some of the most popular journals of the time were, why they were granted publishing licenses, or how those licenses were leased out. The individuals granted publishing rights for First Eleven sports journals, for example, were members of Air Force Military Intelligence. The money earned from leasing those licenses reportedly went into the Air Force Intelligence fund.
Similarly, Seven Day Journal, founded by Ko Thaung Su Nyein, son of former Foreign Minister U Win Aung (who was detained in 2004), was published under the name of a military intelligence officer until late 2004. The publisher of Living Color magazine was listed as Ye Naing Win, son of General Khin Nyunt and an associate of Dr. Nay Win Maung. According to a recent article by Myanmar Now, Myanmar Times—first published in 2000—was issued under the name of U Myat Swe (also known as Sonny Swe), son of Military Intelligence General Thein Swe.
These were the individuals officially listed as publishers of well-known journals and magazines during that era. Many other privately owned journals operated by leasing publishing licenses from various ministries. While a few magazines and journals possessed private licenses unrelated to ministries, weekly journals and monthly magazines were generally not permitted to focus primarily on hard news. They were allowed to cover arts, film, business, real estate, and similar topics. News-focused journals and magazines were typically those whose licenses had been leased out by military intelligence or the armed forces.
The point here is that, under the conditions imposed by the SPDC military regime at the time—operating under strict censorship known as the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division—even if divisions existed, there was little room for open and loud fragmentation. In Myanmar media history, there are records of who entered the field through which channels, and how particular journals and magazines evolved.
Saying this does not mean accusing or tarnishing everyone who worked in those media outlets. Many individuals within those organizations maintained personal independence and practiced journalism professionally. It is important to distinguish between institutions that were not independent and individuals who were, as well as institutions that were independent but individuals who were not.
Recently, Myanmar Now published a lengthy investigative article in both Burmese and English titled “The Murky Past and Present of Myanmar Times and Frontier Myanmar.” This has prompted reflection on whether it may have pushed the exile Myanmar media community into renewed division. The article appears to suggest that audiences should not read or trust news produced by those outlets and may also be urging international governments and media development organizations not to provide them with support.
Furthermore, the article may have caused journalists who previously worked at Myanmar Times and those currently working at Frontier Myanmar to feel uneasy—raising concerns about whether they are or were affiliated with outlets backed by military or intelligence interests.
Such reporting risks fostering mistrust and internal conflict among exile media organizations and journalists.
Those who have closely experienced both the past and present of this field may be able to discern which claims are accurate, which are mistaken, and which are merely suspicions or allegations. For general readers, however, it may be difficult to determine whether the claims are substantiated, speculative, or motivated by vested interests—such as sources seeking to settle scores while opportunity allows.
Ordinary audiences may easily conclude that, just like the political sphere and armed resistance groups opposing military dictatorship, exile Myanmar media organizations are also embroiled in disputes and divisions.