Myanmar spring chronicles
Education During the Revolutionary Period
If one were asked to point out a controversial issue during the Spring Revolution—an issue that could harm mobilization efforts because it focuses too narrowly on a single political narrative, or one that could damage the reputation of the Spring Revolution due to extremist ideas or approaches—education would be that issue.
In recent days, a local news outlet published a report under the headline that schools were operating in Katha town with non-CDM teachers while fighting was ongoing. The report stated that while PDF forces under the National Unity Government and the KIA were jointly carrying out an offensive to seize Katha town, classes were continuing at Katha No. 3 High School. Non-CDM teachers and students—along with education staff and students who had not fled the town—were continuing their studies, and there were plans to hold promotion examinations after several weeks.
The report noted that the decision to keep schools open amid an ongoing urban battle was controversial. Those who supported keeping schools open argued that because the fighting broke out only a few months before the scheduled promotion examinations, there was a risk that a full year of learning would be wasted if students could not sit for exams. Families and students who were able to flee the town might have the opportunity to continue their education and take exams elsewhere, but for those who remained, reopening schools was a way to ensure they did not lose the chance to complete the academic year. According to the report, discussions were held between education staff and parents before schools were reopened.
On the other hand, the report also quoted a member of a revolutionary armed group who believed that reopening schools under such conditions amounted to using students as human shields. Revolutionary forces began attacking Katha town on December 26, two days before the first phase of elections was scheduled. However, even after nearly a month, they had not been able to fully capture the town, and fighting continued in certain parts of it.
In the comments section beneath the report, many people criticized armed groups for being unable to tolerate ongoing education. Others argued that the town should have been captured only after the promotion examinations were completed; that reopening schools was not a political act nor military training, so it was unclear why it should be opposed; and that after three years of educational disruption due to COVID-19 and the civil war, children deserved compassion. Many such comments were posted.
It must be said that policy missteps regarding education have existed since the early days of the Spring Revolution. While there were calls to boycott “slave education” under the military regime, revolutionary forces failed to establish a practical alternative education system—one that was affordable and accessible even to those without financial means. As the revolution dragged on, it also became clear that online schools were not accessible to everyone. Amid armed resistance, the National Unity Government and revolutionary forces lacked sufficient financial resources, human capital, communication networks, and the necessary equipment and internet access for students to participate in online learning. As a result, online schools gradually faded.
In areas firmly controlled by revolutionary armed groups, in-person schools could be opened. However, in contested areas or in territories under military control, people faced either military-administered schools or were unable to pursue education at all because they were constantly fleeing conflict.
Another factor was the early assumption by leaders of anti-junta forces that the revolutionary period would not last long. Based on this belief, they initially encouraged people not to attend schools under the military system and pushed such a course of action. As the revolution prolonged, however, they failed to shift policy—either by providing a viable alternative education system or by separating education from politics.
For those with financial means, accessing education is still possible. But for ordinary people—the majority—there is no realistic option to send their children to safer cities or foreign countries for schooling. In this context, cases where the children of some revolutionary leaders are able to study abroad become particularly glaring and hard to ignore.
It is therefore important either to implement concrete policies and actions that address the educational needs of the children of ordinary people, or at the very least to respect the choices that the public makes regarding education.
Education is a vital investment for building the future of Myanmar. There is no doubt that declining educational standards will have negative consequences for society in the not-too-distant future.