Increase in Airstrikes, Public Perception, and Neighboring Countries’ Views on Aerial Attacks

Myanmar Spring Chronicle – July 30 Perspective
(MoeMaKa, July 31, 2025)

Increase in Airstrikes, Public Perception, and Neighboring Countries’ Views on Aerial Attacks

For the past nearly five years, civilians living in territories controlled by ethnic armed groups and PDFs have lived under the fear of airstrikes. The mere sound of aircraft or warnings of incoming air raids now causes panic. Though some airstrikes occurred in conflict zones before this period, since the February 2021 military coup, the frequency has surged to unprecedented levels.

In particular, the number of aerial attacks sharply increased following Operation 1027, especially after the junta lost control of vast territories and could no longer launch ground offensives to reclaim them. As a result, they began relying heavily on airstrikes to inflict damage, demoralize the population, and render areas uninhabitable, utilizing whatever aircraft and funds remained at their disposal.

On July 29 and 30, multiple airstrikes were carried out in TNLA-controlled areas such as Kyaukme and Kutkai, as well as in Mandalay’s Singu Township, under MDY-PDF control, and in Kani Township, where People’s Defense Forces operate. Over 30 casualties were reported from these attacks.

On July 29, an airstrike targeted the police station in Lapanhla village, Singu Township — resulting in 22 deaths in that single incident. Two more people were killed in a separate airstrike in Shwepantaw village, according to local media.

Not long ago, Lapanhla’s marketplace had also been bombed, causing many civilian deaths. This time, the target was a police station staffed by regime personnel, detainees, and administrative workers.

Lapanhla lies along the Mandalay–Myitkyina highway, a strategic route.

On July 30, a jungle clinic in Kani Township managed by the National Unity Government (NUG) was bombed, with reports indicating that the patient ward was directly hit. At least five deaths were reported by one media outlet.

That same day, Kutkai, under TNLA control, was bombed — damaging Yarsuthit 2 Hotel and resulting in six deaths. Kutkai, though under TNLA administration, also sees MNDAA presence. According to MNDAA’s official statement, a Chinese national was among the casualties, and the group condemned the airstrike as a violation of the ceasefire agreement signed with the junta.

This marked the first public criticism by MNDAA since its ceasefire agreement with the regime in January 2025. While it’s uncertain whether this signals the restart of conflict between MNDAA and the junta, it does raise questions about how much influence China, the broker of the ceasefire, still holds over its enforcement.

Most recent airstrikes have been concentrated in TNLA- and NUG-controlled territories. In response, TNLA released a statement on July 30, titled:

“Condemning the War Crimes of the SAC’s Targeted Attacks on Civilians”

The statement called on the UN and the People’s Republic of China to intervene and address the junta’s escalating airstrikes targeting civilians.

While the United Nations has limitations in terms of direct political or military enforcement, attention now turns to China‘s stance on these developments. A recent BBC Burmese report referenced a statement by SAC-M (Special Advisory Council for Myanmar), stating that bombs used in airstrikes are being manufactured with Chinese support.

Even under previous governments, Chinese companies provided technology and advanced components to Myanmar’s military-run arms factories. Since the coup, that support appears to have continued.

When PDF forces captured junta bases in Mandalay Region, they reportedly seized Chinese-made Norinco mine-clearing equipment — further evidence of China’s ongoing military support.

Furthermore, according to another recent report, Myanmar’s Air Force Commander visited Thailand and reached agreements with Thai authorities to receive drone warfare training and technology support.

Despite witnessing the junta’s indiscriminate use of airstrikes against civilians, neighboring countries like China and Thailand appear to lack any opposing stance — in fact, they continue to provide the military with arms and technology.

In this context, cutting off the junta’s ability to conduct airstrikes — through sanctions, restrictions on military technology, or logistical support — would be ideal. But as that seems unlikely, mitigation efforts to protect civilians on the ground — through early warning systems, air raid shelters, or emergency response networks — have become all the more urgent and important.