Myanmar Spring Chronicle – June 29 View
(MoeMaKa, June 30, 2025)
Spring Revolution’s Hopes of Victory vs. Widespread Civilian Hardship
After the February 2021 military coup, anti-coup protests erupted within days. Labor unions, student unions, and activist networks took to the streets, leading early demonstrations. These movements eventually evolved into the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), with thousands of government employees and civilians from all sectors participating peacefully. This wave of resistance came to be known as the Spring Revolution.
From the beginning, the Spring Revolution’s goals extended beyond simply removing the military dictatorship. Protesters also called for federal democracy, ethnic equality, and an end to all forms of discrimination—including gender, ethnic, and religious. At that early stage, the movement was still largely peaceful and had not yet involved coordination with ethnic armed groups or taken on an armed character.
By April and May 2021, however, nonviolent protest began giving way to armed resistance. Makeshift militias emerged in many areas, often starting with homemade guns, and began striking back at military forces. Urban guerrilla units started appearing. The anti-coup struggle transformed into an armed revolution tied to a broader fight for federal democracy.
Now, more than four years later, the term “Spring Revolution” largely refers to the ongoing armed resistance—composed of hundreds of local PDF units and ethnic armed groups. While many of these groups are loosely under the National Unity Government (NUG), not all share identical goals.
Many ethnic armed organizations (EAOs)—some of which have been fighting for decades—have overlapping enemies with the Spring Revolution but may not share the same complete vision for Myanmar’s future. For them, the end goal is often ethnic autonomy or self-determination, which may or may not align entirely with the broader democratic movement.
Despite this, cooperation is essential. Without strong coordination between the NUG and EAOs—and among EAOs themselves—the struggle to topple the junta will be prolonged. Greater military collaboration and unified strategy are urgently needed among NUG-aligned forces, EAOs, and other resistance groups operating in upper Myanmar, Bago, Tanintharyi, and the Delta region.
If such cooperation fails to materialize, dismantling the military dictatorship will become increasingly difficult. The junta still controls vast natural resources, tax revenues, and benefits from support or recognition from major countries like China, Russia, and India.
Meanwhile, civilians living in conflict zones face endless hardship. Many have lost their homes, possessions, livelihoods, and have become long-term displaced persons. Others are forced to flee frequently, while some live in makeshift shelters after their homes were burned down. With conflict disrupting work and food production, many are now struggling to find basic necessities like food, medicine, and daily essentials—often at prices they’ve never seen before.
According to UN data, there are now over 4 million displaced persons in Myanmar. Millions more—perhaps tens of millions—are affected by forced conscription, arbitrary taxation, extortion, and abuses by the military.
Those resistance groups that claim to stand with the people must consider these harsh realities. It is no longer enough to say, “This is a revolution—people must suffer.” Nor is it sufficient to promise that victory is near, and ask for patience. Civilians expect tangible actions, effective governance, and measurable relief.
The Spring Revolution’s success depends not only on defeating the military but also on how it responds to the urgent and growing humanitarian needs of the people it claims to fight for.