Myanmar Spring Chronicle – July 29 Viewpoint
(MoeMaKa, July 30, 2025)
Election Laws Issued in Relation to the Military Council’s Planned Polls
The military council, which seized power in a coup, has issued amendments to the election law—known as the Sixth Amendment—to govern elections it claims will be held between December this year and January next year. Along with revisions applying to the three houses of parliament, it also introduced a new law titled Law for the Prevention of Disruption, Obstruction, and Destruction of Multi-Party Democracy General Elections, signed by coup leader Min Aung Hlaing.
These announcements come five to six months ahead of the projected election date.
Notable in the Sixth Amendment are provisions that formalize the use of machine voting and impose heavy penalties for protesting against the election, encouraging voter boycotts, disrupting campaigns, or attempting to prevent election activities.
In addition to the amendments concerning the three legislative bodies, the newly introduced law specifically aimed at preventing disruption to multi-party democratic elections is unprecedented. This suggests a lack of confidence by the junta in securing safety or full territorial control to conduct the elections properly.
The Sixth Amendment contains criminal penalties that are two to three times more severe than previous versions. The new prevention law even allows for the maximum penalty of death for disrupting elections.
The law also outlines the establishment of Election Security Oversight Committees at national, state/region, district, and township levels—indicating that security vulnerabilities are a major concern for the upcoming election. This too points to the junta’s lack of territorial control and administrative capacity.
With 70% to 90% of some states and regions outside of military control, there is widespread public doubt about how such an election could realistically be held. For example, in Rakhine, Chin, and Karenni (Kayah) States, the junta controls only the state capitals, while the rest of the territory is under the control of ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and local defense forces. In other regions—such as Kachin, Tanintharyi, Mandalay, northern and eastern Shan State, eastern Bago, and the autonomous areas of Kokang, Wa, and Danu—most areas are controlled by EAOs and PDFs (People’s Defense Forces).
While some of these groups have made general statements about their opposition to junta-led elections, it remains unclear how they will respond if the election does proceed. There have been reports of the junta reaching out to local militias like the DKBA (Democratic Karen Benevolent Army) to support election logistics. However, armed resistance groups such as KIA, KNU, KNPP, KNDF, AA, CNF, Chin Brotherhood, and TNLA are unlikely to cooperate.
Beyond withholding support, these groups have not clearly stated how they would respond to campaigning, polling stations, political parties, or candidates in their areas—which creates strategic ambiguity for both the public and the junta.
Groups like MNDAA, which have entered ceasefires, may make different decisions, while powerful autonomous groups such as the UWSA (United Wa State Army) may refuse to allow elections in their territory altogether. These groups have not yet publicly revealed their positions.
The junta appears to recognize that elections will be confined to a minority of territories and will lack public participation. Even in junta-controlled cities, election boycotts or protests may arise. The new laws, with their heavy punishments, seem to preemptively target such resistance.
The inclusion of the death penalty in the new law, compared to previous versions that imposed jail terms of one to three years or fines, reflects the regime’s increasingly authoritarian approach. The revised punishments now include sentences of three, five, or seven years, twenty years, life imprisonment, and even execution.
In summary, the upcoming elections will not be democratic exercises but will instead be held under a legal framework designed to intimidate and suppress opposition. These elections will take place under a climate of fear, not hope for democratic transition.