Myanmar Spring Chronicle – November 13 Overview
(MoeMaKa, November 14, 2025)
What Kinds of Stories Should Be Written in the Myanmar Spring Chronicle?
Today’s most noteworthy story concerns reports that the National Unity Government (NUG) — the civilian administration leading the Spring Revolution — is undergoing a major cabinet reshuffle and reform process.
Unconfirmed rumors had circulated earlier, but the independent outlet Burma VJ has now reported the news with details.
According to the report, an NUG official confirmed that four ministries are expected to be restructured or dissolved:
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The Ministry of International Cooperation (MOIC) led by Dr. Sasa,
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The Ministry of Communications, Information and Technology (MOCIT) led by U Htin Linn Aung,
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The Ministry of Commerce (MOC) led by Daw Khin Ma Ma Myo, and
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The Ministry of Labor (MOL) led by U Naing Htun Phay (aka Naing Thuwunna).
Additionally, Mizzima News reported that a fifth ministry would also be affected: Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe, the Minister for Women, Youth and Children’s Affairs, has resigned, and her ministry will be downgraded to a department under other leadership.
In essence, five ministries are expected to be either dissolved, merged, or reduced in scope. All that remains is for the NUG and its parliamentary body, the CRPH, to issue an official announcement.
Sources indicate that a special reform committee has been reviewing and preparing these changes, with final authority resting in the hands of CRPH Chairperson, the NUG President, and Prime Minister, who are coordinating the process of streamlining and restructuring the government.
Parallel Developments: The Junta’s Election Preparations
The timing of this internal NUG reform coincides with the junta-controlled Union Election Commission (UEC) accelerating preparations for a divided and tightly controlled national election.
The military is reportedly ordering and threatening artists, filmmakers, musicians, and performers to participate in propaganda campaigns promoting the election. Meanwhile, international organizations monitoring Myanmar’s situation are preparing to observe and document the process, anticipating irregularities.
On the other hand, Spring Revolution forces are urging the public to boycott the junta’s election, warning that participation would help legitimize military rule. Anti-election campaigns have grown more active, calling for civil resistance to deny the junta any political exit through a staged vote.
If the UEC proceeds with regionally segmented elections and begins releasing results piecemeal, analysts are watching to see how China and ASEAN will respond — and whether such outcomes could prompt any international political shifts or engagement.
Growing International Focus on Cybercrime
Another key issue drawing attention from observers is the U.S. government’s move to form a joint international task force to combat transnational online scam networks (known in Myanmar as Kyar Phyant syndicates), including those operating in Myanmar and other parts of Asia.
The U.S. is now pressuring Thailand directly while China is also taking harsher measures against scam rings. China has, since the aftermath of Operation 1027, begun cutting off Chinese-run scam networks inside Myanmar, applying diplomatic pressure on the junta through its anti-cybercrime operations.
Meanwhile, U.S. and Chinese enforcement campaigns have intensified in southern Myanmar and along the Thai border, targeting scam centers that are protected by Karen armed groups or local militias.
Both superpowers — East and West — are, for once, aligned on this issue, each seeking to dismantle the same criminal networks for their own reasons. Some analysts note that while Myanmar’s election preparations may seem like a domestic affair, the junta’s “election exit plan” risks being overshadowed by growing international focus on the region’s transnational crimes and geopolitical competition.
The Junta’s Electoral Calculus
The coup regime has clearly decided to proceed with what it views as its “exit election”, intending to maintain military influence through controlled political power-sharing after the vote.
The upcoming election will likely be dominated by retired generals and the pro-military Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Civilians or members of former democratic parties are unlikely to receive full authorization to participate freely, nor will they be allowed to win even if they do.
This election bears strong resemblance to the Than Shwe–era 2010 election, engineered to preserve military dominance under a thin veneer of civilian governance.
At present, retired generals and loyalists to the coup regime are resurfacing and preparing for another staged political transition—one designed not to hand power to the people but to entrench the military’s control under a new format.
A Mood of Disillusionment
Among the Myanmar public, there is a palpable sense of disillusionment and fatigue. Most people understand that the only way to uproot the military dictatorship is through real, tangible military and political defeat, not through the junta’s elections or negotiations.
But with the revolution’s momentum slowing and the junta consolidating its next moves, many now view the current political and military landscape with a mix of frustration, uncertainty, and quiet despair — knowing the struggle is far from over, yet unsure where the next breakthrough will come from.