Myanmar Spring Chronicle – April 10 Update
MoeMaKa, April 11, 2025
How Will Myanmar Recover from the Earthquake?
Thirteen days after the 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck central Myanmar on March 28, the military regime still lacks the capacity to compile a comprehensive damage assessment. The quake affected Sagaing Region, Mandalay Region, Pyinmana, Naypyidaw, Taungoo, and Inle area in Shan State, causing deaths, injuries, and extensive destruction to homes, religious structures, businesses, and livelihoods.
So far, the military authorities have only released partial information — primarily the numbers of the dead, injured, and missing. A few statistics on damaged religious sites and homes have been shared, but no overall estimate of losses has been issued.
As of now, key government offices in Naypyidaw remain visibly damaged, and even the families of junta employees are reportedly still sheltering in roadside tents, according to social media posts. It’s apparent that the military administration has yet to resume full function. Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing appears more focused on using the disaster as a diplomatic opportunity, prioritizing meetings with international ministers, diplomats, and UN officials over emergency aid for his own staff.
According to estimates based on satellite imagery and USGS data, the economic losses from the quake may exceed Myanmar’s annual GDP — a devastating prospect. If accurate, this signals a massive recovery challenge ahead.
The cities most severely impacted include Mandalay, Sagaing, Kyaukse, Pyinmana, Wundwin, Myingyan, Yamethin, Pyinmana, Naypyidaw, Inle, and Taungoo. These cities and surrounding villages — with populations ranging from tens of thousands to millions — saw widespread destruction. All of them are under junta control, unlike some rural areas in Sagaing Region controlled by PDF forces, which were not as severely affected.
This raises an important question: Will the junta prioritize post-quake recovery or military dominance? Current actions suggest they remain focused on gaining the upper hand in the civil war. The NUG was the first to unilaterally announce a ceasefire after the quake. The junta followed suit only on April 2. Still, airstrikes continued in unaffected areas even after the earthquake.
Despite ceasefire announcements from NUG, the Three Brotherhood Alliance, the junta, and the KIA, armed conflict continues on the ground, including battles for town control. While fighting hasn’t occurred directly in quake-hit zones, some clashes are close to them — such as in Naung Cho, a township bordering Mandalay Region.
Rebuilding quake-damaged homes, schools, hospitals, and public infrastructure poses serious questions about the junta’s capacity. With national revenue, particularly from resource-rich junta-held areas, being funneled into military spending, the regime may lack the means to fund civilian reconstruction.
No special emergency budget has been publicly allocated for quake recovery. The only plan announced so far is to give 1 million kyats (~$470) per deceased person.
International aid is arriving in the form of material assistance. The UN has proposed about $136 million in support. On April 11, the Chinese embassy announced that the China International Development Cooperation Agency (CIDCA) will provide 1 billion yuan (~$138 million) in aid, at Myanmar’s request. The funds are earmarked for recovery, disaster risk reduction, medical aid, and the restoration of cultural heritage sites damaged by the quake.
China’s contribution now stands as the largest single-country aid package for Myanmar’s earthquake response.
However, as trade wars dominate global headlines — particularly following unexpected tariff hikes announced by U.S. President Trump — the international spotlight may quickly shift away from Myanmar. With global tensions high, Myanmar risks fading from global attention.
China, as Myanmar’s neighbor and a key player in the Indian Ocean region, likely sees this as an opportunity to tighten its influence over Myanmar through aid, potentially reducing Western leverage in the region.