{"id":10318,"date":"2026-10-23T19:22:39","date_gmt":"2026-10-23T12:52:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/moemaka.net\/eng\/?p=10318"},"modified":"2026-10-23T19:22:39","modified_gmt":"2026-10-23T12:52:39","slug":"did-asian-values-change-according-to-western-dreams","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/moemaka.net\/eng\/2026\/10\/did-asian-values-change-according-to-western-dreams\/","title":{"rendered":"Did Asian Values Change According to Western Dreams?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/a><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Myanmar Spring Chronicle \u2013 Scenes from October<\/em> 22<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

(MoeMaKa), October 23, 2026<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Did Asian Values Change According to Western Dreams?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Today, I would like to discuss whether the values upheld by Asia and the expectations of the West can actually be realized in practice. As Western countries face increasingly polarized political views and growing noise and instability within their social structures, where can ordinary people look for hope? This raises the question of whether they should look toward the East\u2014or toward the values of Asians, which differ from those of the West.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It has been nearly 27 years since Greg Sheridan\u2019s book Asian Values, Western Dreams: Understanding the New Asia was published. The reason the book deserves to be reread today is not that all of the author\u2019s predictions proved correct. Rather, it allows us to examine how Asian countries viewed their political, economic and cultural futures during the 1990s.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The book\u2019s value lies less in its ability to explain Asian politics in 2026 than in the way it documents Asian political thinking in the 1990s. In particular, it helps us reconsider China\u2019s growing economic power, the democratic transitions in Southeast Asian countries, and the relationship between economic development and political freedom.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Brad Glosserman reviewed the book in The Japan Times in September 2000 under the headline, \u201cAsia Takes Capitalism on Its Own Terms.\u201d This can be translated as meaning that Asia had adapted capitalism in its own way.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

His review argued that the 1997 Asian financial crisis did not necessarily mean the end of Asia\u2019s own model of economic development. It also emphasized the need to seriously study the cultural differences among Asian countries rather than ignore them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After the 1997 Asian financial crisis, some people declared that the era of Asian values had come to an end. Governments changed, elections changed and economic lifestyles also changed. Old leaders were replaced by new ones.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, it could be argued that most Asian countries, including the ASEAN countries, did not turn completely toward the West. Instead, they mainly loosened some of the strict rules within their own political and social systems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After 25 years, history has shown us several important things.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

China\u2019s transformation and development demonstrate that a capitalist economy and technological development do not necessarily lead to liberal democracy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Singapore continues to be led by economic prosperity and highly capable governance, despite certain restrictions on political freedom.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

South Korea has shown that Asian culture and democracy can coexist. Although governments and presidents have changed, the country has continued to choose stability.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Taiwan has demonstrated that democratic institutions can take root in an Asian society. It continues to exist as a country capable of firmly confronting China without bargaining away its own security and sovereignty.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For Myanmar, however, appeals to national unity, discipline and stability cannot guarantee economic development or political legitimacy. The country has failed to progress because it has clung to extreme nationalism and the interests of a single military establishment. Its neighboring Asian countries have also failed to lift Myanmar toward development.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The experiences of these countries challenge the idea that there is one common path to development for all Asian nations. More important than culture alone may be the quality of governing institutions, political decisions, education, economic policy and historical background.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I would like to highlight an important criticism of the concept of \u201cAsian values.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Among those who criticized the idea was Nobel Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen. In his 2000 essay, \u201cEast and West: The Reach of Reason,\u201d he pointed out that Asian cultural traditions include not only respect for authority, discipline and collective responsibility, but also traditions of free debate, tolerance and individual liberty.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to Sen, it is problematic to divide Asia and the West into two opposing cultural systems. Democracy is not the exclusive inheritance of the West, just as obedience to authority is not an exclusively Asian cultural trait.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When we look back, 25 years later, at Asian values and Western dreams, their historical significance becomes clear. Asian leaders remain hereditary authoritarian figures and family-based politicians in various forms. The political climate today is much the same as before, and the balance of power has still not fundamentally changed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From the perspective of Myanmar politics, the book is particularly interesting.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For decades, the Myanmar military has used national unity, discipline, stability and the protection of national sovereignty as justifications. It is clear that successive generations of the military\u2014and the military-dominated system, which leftists have called \u201cmilitary feudalism\u201d\u2014have controlled the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is therefore unsurprising that political power cannot be held for long without being connected to the military. We can also see that Asian countries themselves have become accustomed, through history and tradition, to the practice of passing power from one authority to another.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These ideas may resemble certain aspects of the political thinking behind \u201cAsian values,\u201d but they cannot be said to be directly identical.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The important question is who is using words such as culture, discipline and national unity\u2014and for what purpose.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is nothing wrong with prioritizing social stability. But if stability is used as a justification to remove the people\u2019s political rights and exempt rulers from accountability, it becomes a problem.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is also an important lesson for Myanmar\u2019s Spring Revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Removing the military dictatorship alone will not automatically produce democracy. It is necessary to build institutions based on the separation of powers, the rule of law, minority rights and accountability to the public.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Revolutionaries must not forget Asia\u2019s tradition of preserving established ways and institutions. At the very least, although Timor-Leste\u2019s struggle as ASEAN\u2019s newest member is unique, it is clear that Timor-Leste itself also recognizes the need for the ASEAN family.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conclusion: What Were the Questions in 1999 and 2026?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In 1999, the central question explored by the book was:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Can Asian countries modernize and develop without becoming like Western countries?<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nearly 27 years later, in 2026, we can see part of the answer.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Asian countries can achieve economic and technological development without fully adopting the political and cultural models of Western countries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, another, more important question has emerged:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Can Asian countries build political systems that preserve their own cultural and political traditions while also guaranteeing human rights, political freedom and accountability for those in power?<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

That is the question that remains to be observed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since the 1997 Asian financial crisis, ASEAN has clearly become unwilling to allow the \u201cAsian Tigers\u201d to collapse again because of instability caused by the Western bloc or other geopolitical regions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The instability and damage experienced by some East Asian countries that depend on the intervention, influence and support of the United States and Europe may also provide an important lesson.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Myanmar Spring Chronicle \u2013 Scenes from October 22 (MoeMaKa), October 23, 2026 Did Asian Values Change According to Western Dreams? Today, I would like to discuss whether the values upheld by Asia and the expectations of the West can actually…<\/p>\n

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