{"id":10244,"date":"2026-10-11T22:40:29","date_gmt":"2026-10-11T16:10:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/moemaka.net\/eng\/?p=10244"},"modified":"2026-10-11T22:40:29","modified_gmt":"2026-10-11T16:10:29","slug":"online-meetings-between-ula-aa-and-scef-and-relations-between-the-united-states-and-myanmars-military-government","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/moemaka.net\/eng\/2026\/10\/online-meetings-between-ula-aa-and-scef-and-relations-between-the-united-states-and-myanmars-military-government\/","title":{"rendered":"Online Meetings Between ULA\/AA and SCEF, and Relations Between the United States and Myanmar\u2019s Military Government"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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Myanmar Spring Chronicle \u2013 Scenes from October<\/em> 10<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

(MoeMaKa), October 11, 2026<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Online Meetings Between ULA\/AA and SCEF, and Relations Between the United States and Myanmar\u2019s Military Government<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Recent news reports indicate that the Steering Council for the Emergence of a Federal Democratic Union (SCEF) and the United League of Arakan\/Arakan Army (ULA\/AA) have held two meetings in recent days.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although the SCEF has not officially declared itself a replacement for the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), which was established to provide political leadership for the Spring Revolution, its formation appears to serve a similar purpose.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

SCEF delegations visited Japan in August and Australia in early October. Although these visits did not involve official meetings with government representatives of the respective countries, they provided opportunities to engage with Myanmar communities abroad and encourage them to lobby their host governments on Myanmar-related issues.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The SCEF includes several ethnic armed organizations, such as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Karen National Union (KNU), Chin National Front (CNF), and Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP). However, powerful ethnic armed organizations based in northern Shan State, as well as the ULA\/AA, have not yet joined the council.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The absence of most ethnic armed organizations from northern Shan State may be partly due to their need to consider China’s position and interests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Arakan Army, which controls the largest amount of territory along Myanmar’s western border, has also remained outside the SCEF. Unlike the Kokang, Ta’ang, and United Wa State Army (UWSA) organizations, whose territories border China, the AA’s decision not to join may stem from its own independent political objectives and strategic priorities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although the Arakan Army was established only about a decade and a half ago, it has expanded rapidly, particularly in the years immediately preceding the 2021 military coup and in the period since.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Today, the AA has reportedly developed a military force comparable in size to that of the United Wa State Army, one of Myanmar’s most powerful ethnic armed organizations. It has captured approximately 90 percent of Rakhine State and expanded its military operations beyond the state’s borders, opening additional fronts against the military that seized power in 2021. These areas outside Rakhine could also serve as strategic buffer zones.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Given these circumstances, the AA’s participation in the SCEF would significantly strengthen the council as both a political and military alliance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, several questions remain unanswered. Will the AA eventually join the SCEF? Even if it does not formally become a member, could it develop strategic military cooperation with SCEF-affiliated ethnic armed organizations and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) operating under the National Unity Government (NUG)?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Whether such cooperation will lead to coordinated military operations or broader strategic alliances remains an important development to watch.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Relations Between the United States and Myanmar\u2019s Military Government<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Another major subject of political discussion in Myanmar in recent days has been the evolving relationship between the United States and Myanmar’s military government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reports of a visit to Naypyidaw by a U.S. Assistant Secretary of State, including a meeting with military leader Min Aung Hlaing, have generated considerable discussion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A few days after news of that meeting emerged, reports also surfaced that the United States had removed the daughter of a Myanmar businessperson with close ties to the military from its sanctions list.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The timing of these developments has led some observers to interpret the sanctions removal as further evidence of a possible shift in Washington’s approach toward Myanmar’s military authorities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some analysts believe that the Trump administration’s State Department may have fundamentally changed its Myanmar policy. Others argue that the United States has always prioritized its national interests and that these developments do not necessarily represent a major policy shift.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nevertheless, concerns have emerged among Myanmar’s revolutionary forces that Washington may be moving toward a policy based more explicitly on the America First principle, prioritizing U.S. national interests over the promotion of democracy and human rights abroad.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to Reuters, the meeting between the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State and Myanmar’s military leader in Naypyidaw included discussions about combating online scam operations and rare earth minerals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These reported discussions have reinforced speculation that American strategic and economic interests may now be taking precedence over efforts to help Myanmar return to a democratic political system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For many supporters of Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, who had hoped for meaningful assistance from the United States, the meeting between a senior American official and the military leadership has been deeply discouraging.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Recent developments have prompted some political and military leaders inside Myanmar to emphasize that the real strength of the Spring Revolution lies within the country itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Spring Revolution Must Rely on Its Own Strength<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Spring Revolution, which emerged following the military coup in 2021, began and gained momentum primarily through the efforts and determination of people inside Myanmar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

International moral support and humanitarian assistance have played important roles, but they have remained secondary rather than decisive factors in the revolution’s development.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The strength of international support can rise or fall depending on changes in global politics, shifting geopolitical interests, and broader international developments.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ultimately, meaningful political change in Myanmar will depend primarily on the efforts and unity of the country’s own political and revolutionary forces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It will also depend on how realistically these forces assess the situation on the ground, how willing they are to acknowledge existing realities, and how effectively they can adjust their strategies and tactics in response to changing circumstances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The future of Myanmar’s political transformation, therefore, rests not simply on the level of international support it receives, but on the ability of forces within the country to work together, adapt to new challenges, and develop practical strategies based on the realities they face.<\/p>\n\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Myanmar Spring Chronicle \u2013 Scenes from October 10 (MoeMaKa), October 11, 2026 Online Meetings Between ULA\/AA and SCEF, and Relations Between the United States and Myanmar\u2019s Military Government Recent news reports indicate that the Steering Council for the Emergence of…<\/p>\n

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