{"id":10199,"date":"2026-10-01T21:40:25","date_gmt":"2026-10-01T15:10:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/moemaka.net\/eng\/?p=10199"},"modified":"2026-10-01T21:40:25","modified_gmt":"2026-10-01T15:10:25","slug":"airstrike-on-the-special-regional-military-command-information-leaks-and-relocation-of-the-eastern-central-command","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/moemaka.net\/eng\/2026\/10\/airstrike-on-the-special-regional-military-command-information-leaks-and-relocation-of-the-eastern-central-command\/","title":{"rendered":"Airstrike on the Special Regional Military Command, Information Leaks, and Relocation of the Eastern Central Command"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/a><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Myanmar Spring Chronicle \u2013 Scenes from<\/em> September 30<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

(MoeMaKa), October 1, 2026<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Airstrike on the Special Regional Military Command, Information Leaks, and Relocation of the Eastern Central Command<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

On the afternoon of September 24, the military junta carried out an airstrike with fighter jets on a communications base belonging to the National Unity Government\u2019s (NUG) Special Regional Military Command, located near the border between Bago Region and Mon State. Five members of the force were killed and three others were injured.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

News of the airstrike began circulating that same afternoon, and various media outlets reported on the attack. Some of the reports included information about the identities of those killed or injured, as well as general descriptions of the location of the Special Regional Military Command\u2019s base. This prompted strong criticism of the media from some political activists and individuals with large social-media followings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some critics accused the media of effectively providing information to the enemy, arguing that such reporting could expose military secrets.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From the day the attack occurred, many people questioned how the location had been discovered. Several hours later, a well-known social-media figure involved in supporting PDF forces stated that the location had been exposed through the interception of walkie-talkie communications.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Following the bombing, social-media users also questioned whether photographs posted almost daily and publicly by CDM Major Tin Lin Aung, who was among those injured in the attack, might have contributed to a breach of operational security.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Questions have also emerged over whether PDF forces under the NUG have established social-media regulations that all personnel must follow in order to protect sensitive information concerning military activities, locations and other operational matters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The day after the bombing, the military junta issued a statement concerning the attack. It said that the operation had been carried out after \u201csystematically verifying information provided by responsible citizens and certain insiders within PDF groups.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The term \u201cresponsible citizens\u201d has frequently been used by the military and successive governments as part of their propaganda language, and consequently many people tend to be skeptical of such claims. The junta\u2019s statement also said that CDM Air Force Sergeant Major Nay Win Aung had been killed, while CDM Major Tin Lin Aung and regional commander Aung San Shar had been injured.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Six days later, on September 30, the Special Regional Military Command officially announced that the information leak that led to the airstrike had resulted from statements obtained during the coercive interrogation of its personnel who had been captured and detained by the enemy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some news outlets, however, have reported that those captured included deserters and former PDF members who had left the force.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These reports suggest that there are personnel within the PDF forces under the NUG Ministry of Defence who have deserted or resigned. They also indicate that there may be personnel in NUG battalions and units who have gone absent without leave, abandoned their units, or surrendered to the enemy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Under such circumstances, greater attention clearly needs to be paid to protecting information concerning the locations and strength of military bases.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eastern Central Command to Be Relocated<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another development today concerns reports that the Ministry of Defence is planning to relocate the Eastern Central Command, currently headquartered in Kholam in southern Shan State, to Loikaw, the capital of Karenni (Kayah) State.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The decision to move a regional military command from Kholam\u2014located in what is officially called southern Shan State but geographically resembles the central part of Shan State\u2014to Karenni (Kayah) State can be seen as highlighting the significant changes in the security situation across northern Shan State, eastern Shan State and Karenni State over the past two years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Shan State is one of Myanmar\u2019s largest states by geographical area. It is also home to a large number of ethnic groups and arguably has the greatest concentration of ethnic armed organizations in the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

During the British colonial period, Shan State was governed by saophas (hereditary Shan rulers), who were granted considerable autonomy. Large military forces from central Burma were not deployed extensively in the region until the 1950s, when defeated Kuomintang forces entered Myanmar after losing the Chinese Civil War and sought to establish bases from which they could prepare to fight the Communist government in China.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

During the Kuomintang incursion, Burmese Army battalions were deployed to Shan State to fight and drive out the Kuomintang forces. Shan politicians have said that this was how Burmese Army battalions first came to establish a permanent presence in Shan State.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After the Shan saophas were compelled to relinquish their authority and the central government increasingly took control of Shan State\u2019s administration, ethnic armed movements began to emerge. During the 1960s and 1970s, as the Communist Party of Burma expanded its operations into Shan State, more than half of the Burmese Army\u2019s forces were reportedly deployed there, turning the region into one of the largest fronts of Myanmar\u2019s civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This historical background helps explain the gradual expansion of military forces and the increasing number of regional military commands in Shan State.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After the 1988 military coup, there were initially only two regional military commands covering northern and southern Shan State. The Triangle Region Command was subsequently established, followed by the Eastern Central Command as a fourth regional command, headquartered in Kholam in 2010.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A decision has now been made to relocate the regional command from Kholam, in central Shan State, to Loikaw, the capital of Karenni (Kayah) State.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This may suggest that, rather than expecting major new military operations in eastern and northern Shan State, greater military activity could be anticipated in Karenni State.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Following ceasefire agreements with the TNLA and MNDAA in northern Shan State, the military government appears to be maintaining the existing situation there. The relocation of the command could therefore be interpreted as a sign that it intends to focus more heavily on containing armed resistance in Karenni State, which borders southern Shan State.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Armed resistance groups have existed in the Karenni (Kayah) region for decades. However, since the 2021 military coup, there have been major changes in the scale of the resistance, its manpower, and the amount of territory controlled by resistance forces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As a result, the relocation of the military command has prompted speculation over whether the military\u2019s current strategy could involve launching increased offensive operations in Karenni (Kayah) State.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Myanmar Spring Chronicle \u2013 Scenes from September 30 (MoeMaKa), October 1, 2026 Airstrike on the Special Regional Military Command, Information Leaks, and Relocation of the Eastern Central Command On the afternoon of September 24, the military junta carried out an…<\/p>\n

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